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        <identifier>oai:www.ideals.illinois.edu:2142/105595</identifier>
        <datestamp>2023-07-11</datestamp>
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        <thesis xmlns="http://www.ndltd.org/standards/metadata/etdms/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.ndltd.org/standards/metadata/etdms/1.1/ http://www.ndltd.org/standards/metadata/etdms/1.1/etdms11.xsd http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/ http://www.ndltd.org/standards/metadata/etdms/1.1/etdmsdc.xsd">
          <dc:contributor>Christianson, Kiel</dc:contributor>
          <dc:creator>Dempsey, Jack</dc:creator>
          <dc:date>2019-11-26T20:33:38Z</dc:date>
          <dc:date>2019-11-26T20:33:38Z</dc:date>
          <dc:date>2019-06-06</dc:date>
          <dc:date>2019-08</dc:date>
          <dc:description>Previous work has ostensibly shown that readers rapidly adapt to a priori less predicted structures after exposure to unbalanced statistical input (e.g., a high number of reduced relative-clause garden path sentences) and that these readers grow to disfavor the a priori more frequent structure after exposure (Fine, Jaeger, Qian, &amp; Farmer, 2013).  However, recent work has failed to replicate effects indicating a penalty for the preferred, more frequent continuation, despite finding a speedup in syntactic repair times after initial exposure to the dispreferred, infrequent structure (Harrington-Stack, James, &amp; Watson, 2018). The current study reports three self-paced reading experiments that tested whether co-occurring cues (explicit comprehension questions, preceding semantic cues, and font color) can help facilitate adaptation to reduced relative/main verb garden path sentences. Results suggest that readers do not overcome pre-existing predictive biases by rapidly adapting to statistically novel linguistic contexts. An emphasis is placed on the difference between task-specific syntactic satiation effects and actual expectation adaptation, the latter of which we argue can only be determined through a penalty for an a priori predicted structure after exposure to its counterpart in the case of garden path constructions.</dc:description>
          <dc:description>Submission original under an indefinite embargo labeled 'Open Access'. The submission was exported from vireo on 2019-11-26 without embargo terms</dc:description>
          <dc:description>The student, Jack Dempsey, accepted the attached license on 2019-06-05 at 16:46.</dc:description>
          <dc:description>The student, Jack Dempsey, submitted this Thesis for approval on 2019-06-05 at 16:53.</dc:description>
          <dc:description>This Thesis was approved for publication on 2019-06-06 at 15:18.</dc:description>
          <dc:description>DSpace SAF Submission Ingestion Package generated from Vireo submission #14019 on 2019-11-26 at 12:49:35</dc:description>
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DEMPSEY-THESIS-2019.pdf: 1319612 bytes, checksum: 8ec341bfe8059503ea5e595cf9a66b1d (MD5)
LICENSE.txt: 4209 bytes, checksum: f755470f02fa0517ec9881b30bf52cfc (MD5)
  Previous issue date: 2019-06-06</dc:description>
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          <dc:identifier>http://hdl.handle.net/2142/105595</dc:identifier>
          <dc:language>en</dc:language>
          <dc:rights>Copyright 2019 Jack Dempsey</dc:rights>
          <dc:subject>syntactic adaptation</dc:subject>
          <dc:subject>syntactic satiation</dc:subject>
          <dc:subject>probabilistic cues</dc:subject>
          <dc:subject>syntactic parsing</dc:subject>
          <dc:subject>sentence processing</dc:subject>
          <dc:title>Convergent probabilistic cues do not trigger syntactic adaptation in relative clause garden-path constructions</dc:title>
          <dc:type>text</dc:type>
          <dc:type>text</dc:type>
          <degree>
            <department>Educational Psychology</department>
            <discipline>Educational Psychology</discipline>
            <grantor>University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign</grantor>
            <level>Thesis</level>
            <name>M.S.</name>
          </degree>
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