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        <identifier>oai:www.ideals.illinois.edu:2142/86202</identifier>
        <datestamp>2023-07-11</datestamp>
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        <thesis xmlns="http://www.ndltd.org/standards/metadata/etdms/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.ndltd.org/standards/metadata/etdms/1.1/ http://www.ndltd.org/standards/metadata/etdms/1.1/etdms11.xsd http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/ http://www.ndltd.org/standards/metadata/etdms/1.1/etdmsdc.xsd">
          <dc:contributor>James R. Kluegel</dc:contributor>
          <dc:creator>Ceobanu, Alin Mihai</dc:creator>
          <dc:date>2015-09-28T15:00:48Z</dc:date>
          <dc:date>2015-09-28T15:00:48Z</dc:date>
          <dc:date>10000-01-01</dc:date>
          <dc:date>2004</dc:date>
          <dc:date>2004</dc:date>
          <dc:description>The intensity of negative orientations toward immigrants and immigration in the post-communist European states is puzzling, as foreigners' presence is less visible than in Western Europe and has yet to become politicized. Thus, the crucial question that arises is: How different are the ex-socialist publics in their representations of immigrants and immigration policies among themselves and, taken together, compared to Western Europe? To answer this, I draw on and extend the existing theoretical and empirical contributions on prejudice and national identity by proposing a model which incorporates both individual and contextual factors. Using data from the 1995 module of International Social Survey Programme and a set of macro-level indicators, I conduct country-based and cross-national multilevel analyses in the two European regions, separate and combined. Education, nativism, chauvinism, regime legitimacy and protectionism are the strongest individual-level predictors in both regions, despite dissimilar patterns of effects. Rightist party affiliation fails to explain attitudinal variation across the nine post-communist countries, but subjective class does. At the macro-level, politico-economic history separates the four Visegrad Group member-states from other transitional countries and the concurrence of unemployment rate and proportional presence of foreigners emerges as a consistent predictor in both regions. Testing for differential effects reveals that micro-level factors have weaker influences in the ex-socialist states than in Western Europe, but the post-communist publics are characterized to higher extent by a long-run self-interest rooted in notions of threat and rational calculations. An inter-regional comparison further suggests that contextual factors play a heightened role in explaining the dispersion of attitudes toward immigrants and immigration policies in the Central and Eastern European countries.</dc:description>
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  Previous issue date: 2004</dc:description>
          <dc:description>Embargo set by: Seth Robbins for item 87483
Lift date: Forever
Reason: Restricted to the U of I community idenfinitely during batch ingest of legacy ETDs</dc:description>
          <dc:description>Restricted to the U of I community idenfinitely during batch ingest of legacy ETDs</dc:description>
          <dc:description>U of I Only</dc:description>
          <dc:description>253 p.</dc:description>
          <dc:description>Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2004.</dc:description>
          <dc:identifier>http://hdl.handle.net/2142/86202</dc:identifier>
          <dc:identifier>(MiAaPQ)AAI3130891</dc:identifier>
          <dc:language>eng</dc:language>
          <dc:subject>Sociology, General</dc:subject>
          <dc:title>Public Sentiment on Immigrants and Immigration Policies in Central and Eastern Europe. A Cross -National Multilevel Analysis</dc:title>
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            <department>Sociology</department>
            <discipline>Sociology</discipline>
            <grantor>University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign</grantor>
            <level>Dissertation</level>
            <name>Ph.D.</name>
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