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Gap dependencies in coordination
Doctoral Committee Chair(s)
Yoon, Hye Suk James
Department of Study
Degree Granting Institution
University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
The goal of this thesis is to analyze extractions out of coordinate structures without positing principles specific to coordination. I show that A$\sp\prime$-movement in coordination is reducible to a version of the conjunctive Empty Category Principle (ECP), while NP-movement and Head movement are explained by other independently needed principles. Analysis is given as follows: (1) In the case of extraction of elements out of conjuncts, the only requirement is that extraction must be across the board (ATB). The ATB condition is subsumed under the antecedent government clause of the ECP. (2) In the case of extraction of whole conjuncts, extractions are always ill-formed, whether across the board or not. This phenomenon is subsumed under the head government clause of the ECP. (3) Although extraction of elements out of coordinate structures must obey the ATB condition, not all ATB extractions are well-formed. This fact is subsumed under the head government clause of the ECP. I show that my analysis makes cross-linguistically correct predictions. The theoretical framework of my analysis is the theory of Principles and Parameters developed in line with Chomsky (1981, 1986a,b) and subsequent work.
Since my analysis relies on configurational properties of phrase structures, I first provide an analysis of the phrase structure of coordination. I claim that a coordinate structure is a multiply headed structure, whose heads are the conjunctions. I show that a multiply headed structure is compatible with a version of X-bar theory.